During an oval office press availability today, President Trump is asked directly about Joe Biden, former AG Merrick Garland and former Special Prosecutor Jack Smith targeting himself and his family.  WATCH: . Posted in 4th Amendment, Abusive Cops, Activist Judges, Big Stupid Government, Conspiracy ?, Dept Of Justice, Donald Trump, Election 2020, Election 2024, Election […]

The post President Trump Answers a Direct Question About AG Merrick Garland and Jack Smith Targeting His Family appeared first on The Last Refuge.

Legislation to deny the Democratic Socialists of America party status has gained momentum in the House of Representatives.

If enacted, the effort from Reps. Rich McCormick and Clay Fuller of Georgia would mirror the Communist Control Act of 1954, signed into law by former President Dwight D. Eisenhower, by denying the DSA legal rights and privileges.

“The DSA has made clear that it wants to abolish and fundamentally change the 250-year American experiment of self-government,” Fuller told the Daily Signal. “The organization’s co-chair has confirmed support for abolishing institutions like the Senate, presidency, and Supreme Court, abolishing ICE and our borders, defunding the Pentagon, and mass amnesty for illegal immigrants.”

Posting on X, Fuller wrote, “Proud to co-sponsor the Communist Control Act of 2026. The Communist Control Act of 1954 denied the Communist Party the rights of a normal political party. This bill applies those same rules to the DSA.”

“Communism has no place in the United States,” he added.

The legislation comes after a new poll revealed that 84% of Democrats under 29 have a favorable view of socialism, fueling the rise of DSA-aligned candidates across the country.

At least five new DSA members could be sworn in to Congress in January 2027. That number could increase if Michigan activist William Lawrence and Florida Rep. Angie Nixon were to win their respective House and Senate races.

Fuller’s legislation is not the first effort from Republican lawmakers to push back against the DSA. Earlier this year, other lawmakers considered introducing legislation to strip the organization of its nonprofit status.

In an interview with the Daily Signal in March, Rep. Randy Fine, R-Fla., stated that he would look into the DSA’s trip to Cuba to determine whether the visit violated the rules of a nonprofit organization.

During the trip, the DSA pushed the communist regime’s narrative that America’s sanctions against Cuba are to blame for the widespread hunger and worsening conditions of the Cuban people.

Cuba’s government-controlled military wing, Grupo de Administración Empresarial (GAESA), has over $14 billion in the bank.

“These are [New York City Mayor Zohran] Mamdani supporters going directly to the enemy of the United States,” Fine claimed. “I will see if the communist trip violates the rules of an organization’s nonprofit status, and if that is the case, I will absolutely consider bringing forth legislation to revoke its status.”

Similarly, Florida Republican state Rep. David Borrero told the Daily Signal at the time that he would consider introducing legislation in the state Legislature to revoke the DSA’s nonprofit status.

“Any organization that aims to send material aid to Cuba, which is a designated state sponsor of terrorism, in an effort to thwart U.S. diplomatic relations should be placed under great scrutiny and investigated,” Borrero said.

The DSA did not respond to the Daily Signal’s request for comment.

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani wants everyone to know that his administration is serious about fighting antisemitism.

Just don’t ask him to define it.

His new 33-page “Strategy to Combat Antisemitism,” released Sept. 29, is packed with programs, grants, and spending. Mamdani’s administration says it has increased annual hate-crime prevention funding from $3 million to $29 million and set aside another $1 million to improve security at synagogues and other houses of worship.

All of that is welcome.

But halfway through the report comes a section titled “Definitions,” and it is there that Mamdani sidesteps the central question.

The report acknowledges several definitions of antisemitism, including those of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance and the Jerusalem Declaration. Yet it goes on to declare that New York City can combat antisemitism “without needing to adopt a definition for this specific form of hate.”

Think about that.

City Hall is rolling out an entire government strategy against antisemitism while deliberately refusing to define what it is fighting.

That refusal matters because the real debate over antisemitism today is not whether swastikas, synagogue attacks, or anti-Jewish slurs are hateful. Everyone knows they are.

The dispute is over increasingly common forms of Jew-hatred expressed through hostility toward Israel and Zionism.

Criticism of Israel is not inherently antisemitic. Neither is opposition to a particular Israeli government or policy.

But when Jews are harassed because they support Israel, when Jewish institutions are targeted over events in Gaza, when Zionists are told they are unwelcome in public spaces, or when Jews are held collectively responsible for Israel’s actions, the line between political criticism and antisemitism has plainly been crossed.

This is not an academic debate.

Jewish New Yorkers make up roughly one-tenth of the city’s population, yet anti-Jewish hate crimes accounted for 52.9% of all confirmed hate crimes during the first nine months of 2026.

Incredibly, Mamdani’s strategy never discusses Zionism or anti-Zionism, and Israel is absent from its substantive discussion of contemporary antisemitism.

That silence is especially striking given Mamdani’s own record. He began his mayoralty by revoking executive orders embracing the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition and aimed at preventing city procurement and investment decisions from being used to advance boycotts of Israel.

He co-founded a Students for Justice in Palestine chapter at Bowdoin and sponsored legislation in the New York State Assembly aimed at charities supporting Israeli settlement activity. As a candidate for mayor, he also declined to condemn the phrase “globalize the intifada.”

Seen against that record, the plan’s refusal to grapple with antisemitism expressed through anti-Zionism becomes even more significant. And no amount of new spending can make up for that omission. A city can devote millions of dollars to combating antisemitism while still refusing to recognize the forms of it that are politically inconvenient.

Mamdani himself unwittingly underscored the problem.

In a statement Wednesday marking the third anniversary of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas massacre, he acknowledged the Israelis who were murdered and kidnapped, only to add that “the suffering did not begin nor end that day.” He then proceeded to accuse Israel of “ongoing genocide,” “apartheid” and “war crimes.”

Even on the anniversary of the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust, Mamdani managed to turn the occasion into an indictment of the Jewish state.

And therein lies the gaping hole in Mamdani’s antisemitism strategy: It promises to fight Jew-hatred while refusing to confront the anti-Zionist hostility that increasingly serves as one of its primary vehicles. But the significance of Mamdani’s approach extends far beyond New York. Within the Democratic Socialists of America, where Mamdani is a member, his victory is already being held up as a model for what comes next.

Indeed, the organization called his election “the biggest Socialist electoral victory in the U.S. in a century.”

The movement’s position on Israel is hardly ambiguous. At its 2025 convention, delegates voted 675 to 524 to require DSA-endorsed candidates to support the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement and refrain from affiliation with what it calls “Zionist lobby groups,” including AIPAC, J Street, and Democratic Majority for Israel.

Its rules also list statements that “Israel has a right to defend itself,” or that equate anti-Zionism with antisemitism, among grounds that can trigger disciplinary proceedings.

So, the question raised by Mamdani’s plan is not merely how New York will deal with antisemitism.

It is what happens if this framework is copied by other cities and states.

A government that refuses to define antisemitism gives itself enormous discretion to decide which forms of Jew-hatred count and which do not. And when antisemitism expressed through anti-Zionist hostility is left unaddressed, hostility toward Jews can be condemned in theory while being tolerated in practice.

That is the danger of the Mamdani model. It offers politicians a way to say all the right things about fighting antisemitism, spend millions of dollars doing so, and still look away when Jews are targeted because of their connection to Israel or Zionism.

New York may be the first place to put it into practice. But if it spreads, politicians elsewhere will not need to excuse antisemitism.

They can simply decide that some of it is not antisemitism at all.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of the Daily Signal.

Source

Following announcements to update on the status of “Trump Accounts” for American youth, President Trump took questions from the media. Media questions begin at 22:38 of the video below. The question topics included: AG Garland & DOJ weaponization, Russia plague a bioweapon? Trump Accounts & capitalism Mr. & Mrs. Dell & Trump Accounts (Dells respond), […]

The post President Donald Trump Holds an Oval Office Press Conference appeared first on The Last Refuge.

Last month, public school leaders from Fairfax County, Prince William County, and Richmond traveled to Aspen, Colorado. As members of the Aspen Institute and College Board’s Social Mobility Leadership Network, their districts are participating in a three-year program on expanding low-income students’ access to advanced coursework.

As I previously wrote in the Daily Signal, membership requires each district to sign a data-sharing agreement with the Aspen Institute and the College Board. The agreement covers advanced coursework participation data “disaggregated by race, ethnicity, income status, and other locally relevant student groups.”

Aspen is beautiful, and helping more students succeed in advanced coursework is a worthy goal. But these districts face a more basic problem: Many of their students are not performing at grade level.

Richmond Public Schools is a case in point. According to the Virginia Department of Education, nearly half of its students failed their Standards of Learning (SOL) tests in reading, math, and science in 2025-26.

Richmond Public Schools: SOL Failure Rates, 2025-26

Source: Virginia Department of Education

According to Richmond Public Schools’ website, Superintendent Jason Kamras “views public education as a means of promoting equity and justice for all children in the United States.”

By one measure, that mission is succeeding, but only in a perverse sense. Economically disadvantaged students, who make up 36.3% of Richmond’s student body, are failing at nearly the same rates as their peers. It is strange, then, that Kamras’ district would join an Aspen program to explore expanding advanced coursework when nearly half of the district’s students are not performing at grade level. Richmond is planning the summit while nearly half the district’s students are still stuck at base camp.

Fairfax County and Prince William County, the state’s two largest districts, have lower failure rates but significant problems of their own. According to the Virginia Department of Education, 20% to 29% of their students failed standardized tests in reading, math, and science. Among economically disadvantaged students, the failure rates are much higher, from 34% to 42%.

Fairfax and Prince William: SOL Failure Rates, 2025-26

Source: Virginia Department of Education. Economically disadvantaged students make up 30.1% of enrollment in Fairfax County and 32.3% in Prince William County.

Roughly two in five economically disadvantaged students in Fairfax and Prince William are failing to perform at grade level. That is a far more immediate problem than whether these students take advanced courses at the same rate as their peers. Yet no Aspen-style program, free trip included, is devoted to it.

Expanding access to advanced coursework is a worthy goal, but it comes after a more basic one: making sure students can read, write, and do math at grade level. Before district leaders fly to Aspen and agree to share data broken down by race, parents should ask whether their schools are getting the basics right. Until those numbers improve, trips like this one are a distraction from the work students need.

We publish a variety of perspectives. Nothing written here is to be construed as representing the views of the Daily Signal.