A New Jersey couple discovered a slithery stowaway in their car grille after coming home from a wheel alignment and quickly called police for help. 

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According to a report, radical Marvel "Spider-Man: Brand New Day" star Mark Ruffalo's antisemitic tirades against Paramount's merger with Warner Bros. Discovery in August helped torpedo California AG Rob Bonta's lawsuit aimed at scotching the merger.

The post Mark Ruffalo’s Antisemitic Attack on Paramount Helped Convince Calf. AG Bonta to Drop His Merger Lawsuit appeared first on Breitbart.

The British government's contentious scheme to house asylum seekers in hotels across the country has seen the cost of housing individual alleged asylum seekers soar by over a third since last year.

The post Cost of Housing Hotel Migrants Jumps by Third Despite UK Gov’t Attempts to Shut Down Scheme appeared first on Breitbart.

As world leaders gather in New York City this week for the opening of the U.N. General Assembly, over 40 countries—representing some 2 billion people worldwide—have pledged their support to the Geneva Consensus Declaration in defense of life, family, and national sovereignty. 

Launched in 2020 under U.S. leadership, the Geneva Consensus Declaration brought together nations committed to supporting women’s health, protecting the family, affirming the dignity of every human life, and preserving the sovereign right of countries to make their own laws regulating abortion.

Today, that mission is more important than ever.

Contrary to the claims of activists and bureaucrats, abortion is not a human right under international law. Abortion advocates have spent decades attempting to create such a right through increasingly expansive interpretations of existing treaties, nonbinding U.N. resolutions, and the recommendations of U.N. experts and treaty-monitoring bodies. Yet repetition does not create law, especially in the absence of consensus.

Nevertheless, efforts to normalize and institutionalize abortion as an international right continue across the U.N. system.

Debates routinely center on the phrase “sexual and reproductive health and rights,” a term that U.N. agencies and advocacy groups use to advance abortion policy while avoiding direct reference to abortion itself. These negotiations are often presented as discussions about women’s equality, but too often they become vehicles for promoting ideological agendas that many nations reject.

This is why the Geneva Consensus Declaration matters. The document provides a framework for cooperation among countries that reject the notion that international bureaucracies should dictate abortion policy to sovereign nations. It creates a platform through which governments can speak with a united voice in U.N. negotiations, resist attempts to manufacture new international norms, and reaffirm what member states have actually agreed to in international law.

But the declaration will only be effective if the growing coalition of countries that have signed it put it to work. Its members can advance the Geneva Consensus Declaration principles in U.N. fora by coordinating as a voting bloc to defend national sovereignty over abortion policy. Their diplomats can oppose the inclusion of language in any U.N. document that implies an international right to abortion. Members can promote resolutions that strengthen the family as the “natural and fundamental group unit of society,” and anchor their positions in the text of the declaration, which already comes from previously agreed U.N. language.

The United States can and should play a critical role in this effort. With American leadership, other countries will gain confidence to resist pressure from well-funded advocacy groups, European governments, and U.N. agencies seeking to redefine human rights through procedural maneuvering and soft-law mechanisms. The U.S. can help ensure that discussions about women’s health focus on genuine health needs, maternal care, poverty reduction, educational opportunity, and other priorities that unite countries rather than divide them.

Sadly, U.N. agencies cannot be trusted to do that.

For example, the World Health Organization is now celebrating September as “World Sexual and Reproductive Health Month.” Its website describes abortion as “a simple healthcare intervention,” but abortion remains one of the world’s most contested social and political issues.

Public opinion varies substantially across countries and circumstances, and multinational surveys find significant disagreement over abortion’s legality. Most countries continue to regulate abortion by limiting access under specific conditions or gestational ages, or both. Worldwide, it is hardly considered a “simple healthcare intervention.”

The coming years will present significant challenges. International abortion advocates increasingly seek to portray their policy preferences as settled questions of international law. If left unchallenged, those claims risk hardening into perceived norms that are then cited by courts, international institutions, and activists around the world. The best response is not silence, but coordinated engagement.

The Geneva Consensus Declaration offers precisely that opportunity. Its member countries should work together at the United Nations, defend the integrity of international law, and insist that new “rights” cannot be invented by bureaucratic interpretation. They should reaffirm that sovereign nations retain the authority to determine their own abortion policies and that the international human rights system must remain grounded in the texts that governments have actually negotiated and ratified.

Coalition member countries are not alone in this endeavor: A growing network of pro-life and pro-family civil society organizations from dozens of countries is working to support the Geneva Consensus Declaration priorities at the national level and within the U.N.

The United States helped launch this coalition. It is good that it has now resumed leading the Secretariat. At a moment when the meaning of human rights is increasingly contested, the Geneva Consensus Declaration provides a necessary reminder: international law should be shaped by sovereign nations acting transparently and consensually, not by unelected officials attempting to create rights that governments never agreed to recognize.

“US business continues to boom,” said Chris Williamson, chief business economist at S&P Global Market Intelligence

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Elon Musk praised China's genocidal dictator Xi Jinping as a "great leader" in an interview broadcast Wednesday on Chinese state television network CCTV. Musk pointed to the "increased prosperity of the average Chinese citizen" as a sign of Xi's skill as a leader.

The post ‘Great Leader’: Elon Musk Lavishes Praise on Xi Jinping in Chinese State Media Interview appeared first on Breitbart.

Due to the Paramount deal, CNN's Kara Swisher is headed for the door and taking her trans-stripper name with her.

The post Nolte: Someone Named Kara Swisher Ready to Stomp out of CNN over Paramount Deal appeared first on Breitbart.

A former contractor who says he helped move more than 1,500 unaccompanied children out of a San Diego emergency site is speaking on the record by name for the first time, and he says the government kept releasing kids to adults they did not know.

Between 2021 and 2024, nearly half a million unaccompanied alien children entered the U.S. under former President Joe Biden’s administration, with thousands vanishing from federal view. Two people who were inside that system sat down with The California Courier to speak about what they saw from different parts of the process.

“The paperwork was saying that these people were family members, uncles, aunts, sisters, and the kids were crying, freaking out, ‘Hey, we don’t know those people.’ It raised a lot of red flags for me,” Tariq Khodoura, a former site supervisor for the contractor that transported the children, told The California Courier. “That’s when I started asking questions.”

One was a contractor in San Diego who said children were driven to adults they did not recognize and that agents were told not to bring them back. The other worked in Department of Homeland Security intelligence and said watch-listed gang members were applying to sponsor children as early as February 2021. 

Their accounts, told separately, describe the same failure: warnings about trafficking and unsafe placements moved up the chain, and the releases still continued.

In the Beginning

When it came to the border during Biden’s 2020 campaign, the former president ran on unwinding President Donald Trump’s first-term immigration system. And some of those promises did not just stay on the campaign site.

By February 2021, the administration began to make formal changes to the way the federal government handled unaccompanied alien children.

Unaccompanied alien children would no longer be expelled under Title 42, the COVID-19-era public health rule Trump had used to expel migrants without a normal immigration case. Adults and many families could still be turned back, but children who arrived alone generally could not.

That change left Title 8 and the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act to govern what happened next. 

Typical standards state that Border Patrol is supposed to hold an unaccompanied child for about 72 hours. Custody then moves to the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Refugee Resettlement, which shelters the child and vets a sponsor.

In March 2021, HHS and DHS terminated a 2018 agreement that had required the Office of Refugee Resettlement to share biographic and biometric information on sponsors and other adults in the household with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Border Patrol.

The Biden administration said the 2018 agreement had a “chilling effect,” and that relatives would not come forward if they believed ICE would use the paperwork to arrest them. The replacement memo narrowed what HHS had to send to DHS.

That same month, the Office of Refugee Resettlement issued Field Guidance 10 and Field Guidance 11. The memos were not new statutes.

However, Field Guidance 10 expedited releases to parents and legal guardians and trimmed what caseworkers had to collect in those cases. Field Guidance 11 went further for close relatives. 

Background checks and identification requirements for other adults in the home were no longer required as a condition of release unless the child was already flagged as especially vulnerable or a home study was mandatory.

Sponsor-vetting rules in those years were “either waived or simply not required,” including universal fingerprint checks on sponsors and other adults in the home, a senior adviser authorized to speak on behalf of the Office of Refugee Resettlement said. The adviser said the office often took sponsors at their word about their relationship to the child, did not require DNA tests, and did not verify income.

HHS Control

With major changes occurring at HHS in March 2021, Xavier Becerra, now the California Democrat gubernatorial candidate, was sworn in as HHS secretary, with the Office of Refugee Resettlement reporting to him. Due to the influx of unaccompanied alien children, licensed shelters could no longer hold the number, thus forcing HHS to open emergency intake sites throughout the country. 

One of them was the San Diego Convention Center, with the city announcing on March 22, 2021, that roughly 1,450 beds would be available for a 90-day plan. 

Khodoura, who goes by “Joey,” was the site supervisor on the ground. He told The California Courier that he spent 18 years between the Army, law enforcement, and federal contracting, and that he contracted with DHS from 2020 to 2024, including work with ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations and, later, on the intelligence side.

In 2021, he said that his background put him at the convention center as a supervisor for MVM, the company paid to move the children off the site and to sponsors. He said he was the liaison between MVM, HHS, and White House staff assigned to the operation.

“It was an HHS contract, but DHS was also aware of it,” Khodoura said. “I was a site supervisor. I got sent in what’s called a TDY, temporary duty assignment, to San Diego, where they were using this stadium in San Diego to house 1,500 trafficked kids. The first week I was there, I already knew something sketchy was going on.”

MVM is a private security and transportation contractor that the federal government has long used to escort unaccompanied children. Under the Biden-era surge, that work included emergency intake sites like San Diego, where the job was not long-term custody.

Officials later said more than 2,400 children were released from the San Diego site by the time it closed in July 2021. Khodoura said the White House’s instruction on-site was faster than that: More than 1,500 children, most of them girls, moved in about three months.

“They just wanted to pump those kids out, so to say. As much as I hate to say that, they were treating them like it was a concentration camp. ‘Let’s clear these kids out so everything can go back to normal without asking any damn questions,’” Khodoura said. 

“We had a timeline within three months. I asked why three months. They said because that’s what the White House and administration at the time wanted,” Khodoura continued. “It was mostly young girls between 7 and 13, 14. They’re really young girls. A lot of them were trafficked, exploited, all kinds, the worst of the worst. You can tell they’ve been through a lot of trauma.”

The Other End

While Khodoura was watching the children leave the building, a second official, who asked not to be named because of the nature of his work, was watching the names of the adults waiting at the other end. 

He told The California Courier that he was assigned to a DHS intelligence unit that handled transnational organized crime and the watchlist used to flag gang members, traffickers, and other national security threats. 

In February 2021, he said, an MS-13 member’s fingerprints hit that list. The purpose was to sponsor a child. 

So, out of concern, he started calling around the building. 

“Everyone was just like, ‘Dude, not us. No worries. We have no idea,’” he told The California Courier. “Kept asking around [to] other agencies as well, because I’ve got friends throughout the government calling [Customs and Border Protection], calling ICE, calling DHS I&A, which is intelligence and analysis.”

“I’m asking them like, ‘Hey, guys, I got this record of an MS-13 member who’s, you know, giving fingerprints to HHS to sponsor a child, like the sponsor of one of these UACs.’ And everyone just said, ‘Nope, not our job. That’s not our mission’,” he added.

Attempting to get ahold of HHS, he stated that he could not get the agency on the phone and that there was no working channel to tell the Office of Refugee Resettlement that a sponsor had hit the watchlist. By his count, he later identified about a dozen sponsors with gang ties, most of them from Central American groups, including MS-13 and 18th Street. 

The official reviewed records of those watchlist hits with The California Courier. The DHS intel whistleblower stated that the problem was not that the government never saw the names. It was that seeing them did not stop the placement. 

“There’s no attempt to identify it, no attempt to mitigate it, to detect it, to defeat it,” he said. “No worries at all.”

The same senior adviser authorized to speak on behalf of the Office of Refugee Resettlement said that account matches how the 2021 information-sharing break worked.

After HHS and DHS ended the 2018 agreement, “there was no data sharing,” the adviser confirmed. The adviser said the office is again sending ICE a sponsor’s name, address, and contact information, plus biographical data on the child—information the adviser said moved before 2021, stopped under the Biden administration, and resumed under Trump.

In addition to the flag, he described what he called a hole in the system after release. 

“There’s loopholes within the system which allow you to come off the watchlist,” the official said. “One of those giant loopholes, which I’ve raised it to work in the past as well, is if you are on the watchlist and you do this thing called defensive asylum, you come off of the watchlist.”

If a sponsor who had been removed from the United States later crossed again and claimed asylum, he said that person could be pulled off the watchlist and left in the country while the case was pending, still being able to take custody of an unaccompanied alien child. 

“They were all illegal aliens. On top of that, they’d all been previously removed from the country as well. So it’s not like the sponsors were unknown people,” the official added.

The Children

HHS has said its responsibility ends when a child is released to a sponsor. Becerra told Congress the department was not built to track children after placement and that once a sponsor took custody, the child was no longer in HHS care. 

Inspectors general later documented the gap both men described. An HHS watchdog found sponsor checks that were skipped and children released before fingerprint results were back. A DHS inspector general found that more than 291,000 unaccompanied children transferred to HHS were never given a notice to appear for immigration court.

Additionally, in 2023, The New York Times reported that HHS could not reach tens of thousands of children on the welfare calls the agency said it was making. 

A DHS spokesperson, asked for comment, said ICE Homeland Security Investigations is “dedicated to locating the 450,000 unaccompanied children that came in through the border under the Biden administration.” The spokesperson said many of those children “were placed with unvetted sponsors who were actually smugglers and sex traffickers,” and that the Trump administration “has located more than 145,000 of these children.”

In November 2025, the spokesperson said, ICE launched the UAC Safety Verification Initiative with state and local 287(g) partners to conduct welfare checks “to ensure that they are safe and not being exploited.”

The senior adviser authorized to speak on behalf of the Office of Refugee Resettlement said 478,886 unaccompanied children were referred to the office during the Biden administration and that “the vast majority of them were released within 10 days.” Thousands of sponsor addresses from that period have not checked out, the adviser said, and the office is still concerned about roughly 80,000 children, with younger kids first.

Agencies are still finding labor-trafficking cases, the adviser said, including one sponsor tied to more than 40 children that became public this summer.

“We know we’re still coming across these cases,” the adviser said. “That of course is a worry for us.”

The intelligence official said that was not a problem Congress created in 2021; it was how the agencies ran the program they already had. 

“[DHS Secretary Alejandro] Mayorkas, Becerra specifically—they could have changed anything they wanted to identify the risk at a better rate, they could have done better enforcement side,” the official said. 

“They do have an authority to reach out to kids afterwards. This is called post-release services,” he added. “And, hey, guess what? Why don’t you just give post-release services to every single child anyways? If you have the authority, follow up with every single kid.”

Neither MVM nor Beccera’s campaign returned a request for comment by time of publication.

Kansas Democrat nominee for governor Cindy Holscher said at a recent debate, "I am no socialist," yet spent the following day campaigning with a candidate who calls himself a "Democratic Socialist taking on the Topeka establishment."

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Fraud in taxpayer-funded health care programs like Medicare and Medicaid is so pervasive that the government identified a breathtaking $17.5 billion in scams in just one year, according to an analysis conducted by the U.S. Treasury’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), the agency bureau charged with safeguarding the nation’s financial system form illicit activity, money laundering and the financing of terrorism. The crimes occurred in all 50 states, as well as Washington D.C, and U.S. territories including Guam, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. A lengthy report made public this month identifies the largest number of offenders in California (3,141), followed by Florida (1,378), New York (989) and Minnesota (946) with some of the scams involving criminal networks connected to foreign entities.

“Health care fraud imposes enormous costs on U.S. taxpayers, increases the overall cost of health care in the United States, and puts patients at risk,” the FinCEN report states, identifying the offense as the act of knowingly and willfully executing, or attempting to execute, a scheme to defraud any health care benefit program or obtain by false or fraudulent means money or property of any health care benefits program. It frequently involves Medicare, the country’s health insurance program for those 65 and over, and Medicaid, which provides health care for low-income populations. Common schemes include filing false and fraudulent claims for reimbursement, double billing, phantom billing and upcoding. Others include fraudulently inducing patient referrals, the use of items and services with kickbacks and bribes, stealing patients’ health insurance identifiers, diverting legal prescriptions for illegal uses and impersonating health care professionals. The criminals make a lot of money considering Medicare and Medicaid spend about $1.9 trillion annually, according to government figures cited in the report.

The audit examines cases between March 1, 2025, and February 28, 2026, using reports filed by financial institutions under a law called Bank Secrecy Act (BSA) to help detect and prevent money laundering in the U.S. Home health care business were the most frequently identified suspected fraudsters in BSA reports, followed by hospice care companies, mental and behavioral health and addiction treatment providers and medical equipment businesses. In many cases the public funds were illegally used for luxury purchases, travel, real estate, construction or unrelated private investments and some of the money was transferred internationally. “Suspected perpetrators employed a range of apparent money laundering techniques—from simple funds transfers to complex layering processes—before spending the obtained health care payments,” FinCEN’s probe found. “In many cases, proceeds of suspected health care fraud that did not appear to go through a complex funds transfer process were used on personal expenses and luxury goods.”

In one case more than $25 million in Medicaid payments filled the coffers of a fake Alaska “dentist’s office” with multiple owners who were not involved in dentistry and the payments were used for cash withdrawals, personal expenses and payments to the owners’ other businesses. In another, $20 million from Medicare Administrative Contractors (MAC), state health agencies and a pharmacy organization went to a New York City based pharmacy that later sent payments to numerous wholesale companies in Hong Kong. The government also paid approximately $2 million for home health care, hospice, medical transportation and pharmaceuticals to multiple California-based individuals, including one linked to organized crime, that sent the funds to shell companies and a real estate firm. A Minnesota adult daycare registered at a shuttered store front received $870,000 from a state agency and insurance companies that administer state health plans, and the money was transferred internationally to personal accounts and a shell company. A Kentucky health care professional with a previously suspended operating license received over $400,000 using the same claim number for multiple claimants and transferred the money to personal investment accounts. A Pennsylvania hospice business got more than $330,000 that was used to pay the owner’s credit cards and other personal expenses. The list goes on and on.

The post Taxpayer-Funded Health Care Programs Hit With $17.5 Billion in Fraud in One Year appeared first on Judicial Watch.